Historical story

undying widows

For a long time it was thought that seafarers in the 17th century were unable to support a family because of low wages. This turns out to be a misconception. Sailors' wives contributed significantly to the family income and were often avid defenders of the interests and rights of their husbands at sea. Divorces were rare.

Schiedam, 26 June 1650. Maertgen Juijst has just returned from a visit to merchant Allert Arijensz. She has asked him to inquire in Brazil about the fate of her husband who four years ago worked as a carpenter with the ship The weapon of Delft. has left. Maertgen is very concerned. The fact that she has not heard from her husband for so long may mean that he has passed away, but also that he has built a new life overseas.

Just a day in the life of a sailor's wife in a port city in the 17th-century Republic of the Seven United Netherlands. Maertgen was not alone in such a situation. Around 1680, the number of seafarers on ships departing from Dutch ports annually fluctuated around 50,000 persons. In countless towns and villages, life was determined by the rhythm of seafaring. The economic dominance of seafaring affected all aspects of daily life in these communities. Contrary to popular belief, seamen were indeed married and had children. Research into the position of sailor's wives in Schiedam, Maassluis and Ter Heijde makes clear to what extent they differed from that of other married women and how seafarer marriage functioned in daily practice.

The small port city of Schiedam had a rapidly growing population in the 17th century. Around 1622 the city had about 6000 inhabitants. More than a third of the male working population was employed in the shipping industry. Seafarers from Schiedam worked in the herring fishery, merchant shipping or whaling industry. They also signed up for the navy or the Dutch East India Company (VOC). Maassluis was initially no more than a settlement, but due to the flourishing of fishing, the place developed at breakneck speed into a prosperous village. Around 1622 about 3000 people lived there. More than 40% of the male working population worked in the fishing industry. These men alternated the herring fishing, which mainly took place in the summer, with cod fishing in the winter. In the small village of Ter Heijde, located on the North Sea south of The Hague, the inhabitants lived mainly from coastal fishing. Around 1622 there were about 560. Devastated by floods and sand drifts, the number of inhabitants fell to 200 over the course of the century.

Marriage between equals

The majority of seafarers living in the three communities married at an age barely different from that of non-seafarers. Marriages were relatively late, a phenomenon that also occurred elsewhere in the Republic. Sailors were around 27 when they married, their brides on average a year younger. Most marriages took place in May, just before the new herring season started. Children were conceived outside the boating season. Most conceptions took place in the fall, winter or early spring. In an average fisherman's household, four to five children were born. The wives of East Indiamen gave birth to only two or three children, because their husbands were often away from home for several years. The so-called nuclear family was the norm:newlyweds set up their own household and did not move in with other relatives. As a result, households were small. Women tended to be in the majority in seafaring communities because their husbands spent most of the year at sea and because there were relatively many widows due to the risks associated with the men's profession.

Although young people in the Republic were free to meet and marriages were basically based on love, 17th-century morality dictated that marriage between equals was best. Marriage partners were not allowed to care too much in age and above all had to have the same social background. Seafarers in Schiedam, Maassluis and Ter Heijde followed this generally accepted pattern. In general, people married within their own profession. This means that fishermen's daughters married fishermen's sons. Social differences also manifested themselves within the profession:mate's sons generally married mate's daughters. Sailors working in other branches of shipping formed a less closed group than the fishermen. In Schiedam, the higher ranks on board East Indiamen and the war fleet did not automatically opt for a sailor's daughter. They preferred a girl from a merchant or regent family.

Deed of power of attorney

Since many sailor's wives came from a maritime family themselves, the daily existence without a man of the house must not have been strange to them, but what did the absence of their husband mean in an economic sense? In the 17th-century Republic, the position of men and women differed in legal terms. Married women were legally incapacitated, so they could not perform legal acts without a male guardian. When a woman became a widow, her legal status changed and she could manage her own affairs. Sailors' wives occupied a special position in this regard. The nature of the seaman's work meant that the men were unable to perform a number of duties within the community and that, in practical terms, the women could be considered widows for much of the year. They were therefore given a greater responsibility and a certain degree of freedom that other women were not allowed.

This freedom was given legal form in Schiedam, Maassluis and Ter Heijde because seamen had a deed of power of attorney drawn up before their departure. These powers of attorney enabled women to run a shop or business independently and gave them control over the goods in the marriage. Incidentally, not all seamen gave their wives a free hand. The authorizations sometimes applied to specially defined transactions and the other matters were then placed in the hands of a male agent. Whether or not fully empowered a wife was the individual choice of each sailor and had to do with, among other things, the quality of the relationship between the spouses. A sailor whose wife could not be completely trusted could be in for some strange surprises. De Schiedammer Heijman Corstiaensz. van der Mast found his house deserted upon his return. His wife turned out to have sold everything and left with the northern sun.

For sailors' wives who had not been given a power of attorney, the local government offered a solution. The women could submit a petition to be authorized to arrange their affairs through this route. In general, the claims were granted. The women were considered sufficiently reliable to acquire legal powers normally denied to married women. Another advantage was that the legal capacity of seafarers' wives could mean that they were able to get by financially. This reduced the chance that they would rely on local poor relief.

Women contribute

Supporting their families was not easy for seafaring heads of households. Wages in some shipping industries were very low and earnings erratic. In addition, wives often had to wait very long for the money. In the herring and cod fisheries, for example, the crew was only paid after the trip. This meant that sailors' wives had to contribute to the family income. Their work took place partly within the household and partly in the labor market. There were certain limitations to this. The fact that some women were legally able to have their own shop or business did not mean that there was room for them in all branches of the economy. Women were excluded from some professions, for example by guild regulations.

Sailors' wives generally worked in industries and trade related to shipping. The social status and also the income of their husbands continued to determine their possibilities to a large extent. Fishermen's wives earned money knitting and fines nets. In Ter Heijde the poor fisherwomen bought fish at the auction to sell it door to door. Others walked to The Hague with the fish on their heads to sell it to traders at the fish market. Richer fishmongers also lived in Maassluis and Schiedam. They were involved in the export of large quantities of herring and were also involved in the departure of ships. The wives of seafarers employed by the merchant navy, navy and VOC had their own field of activity. They were often involved in the food supply to the ships or cattle inns and pubs.

Characteristic of the work pattern of all seafarers' wives is that they combined different types of work. For example, women of East Indiamen from the lowest ranks on board sold nuts and apples and did loose sewing and spinning. Washing and bleaching the clothes of single sailors was also a source of income. In addition, sailors' wives had breadwinners in the house.

Separated spheres

What did the long periods of separation mean for the social-emotional side of seaman marriage? For both men and women, this must have been a major emotional strain to begin with. Spouses kept in touch through letters. However, the mail did not always arrive at its destination. Sailors' wives sometimes spent years in uncertainty about the fate of their husbands. In the inns and pubs run by sailor's wives, they tried to gather information about their husbands.

One of the consequences of the long separation could be adultery. The figure of the slanting sailor who puts the flowers in foreign ports is well known. In 1625 Reverend Adam Westerman sighed in his sailor's handbook De Groote Christian zeevaart :“Soo menigh harbour, soo menigh woman berght skipper and boatswain his body.” Westerman warned the married sailor not to go too far. But women also committed adultery. Many adulterous women are found in the notarial and judicial archives of Schiedam, Maassluis and Ter Heijde. Sometimes these involved false accusations that were withdrawn. In 17th-century Holland, adultery was severely punished. Yet adulterous sailor wives were not always dealt with severely. Both the local government and the consistory showed understanding for the uncertain situation in which sailors' wives found themselves, especially if they had not heard from their husbands for years. If seafarers found another child on their return, this could of course lead to problems. Still, many sailor marriages eventually survived. Divorce only occurred in exceptional cases.

The protracted separation also had another consequence:sailors' wives acted as intermediaries between their husbands and society ashore. They informed their husbands about the events on the home front by means of letters and when they returned home. Furthermore, the women were known for their fanatical defense of the interests and rights of their husbands. They were often involved in riots. This often involved arrears of wages. From Maassluis, however, fishermen's wives also left in groups for the admiralty in Rotterdam to demand news about their men imprisoned in England. The travel costs were paid for by the local fisheries college. This college also had to deal with women. For example, in 1654 they demanded a financial contribution from the college for the sign that was to be hung in the local church in commemoration of the fishery.

Sailors' wives had an important position in seafaring communities. Not only did their work contribute to the maritime economy and partly ensure that their families did not become dependent on poor relief, they also formed a bridge between the ship and the shore. Thanks to their wives, the returning men were able to integrate again and again into society. Sailor marriage was a stable factor in an existence characterized by uncertainty.

  • Annette de Wit, Live, work and believe in seafaring communities. Schiedam, Maassluis and Ter Heijde in the seventeenth century (Aksant 2008)
  • Roelof van Gelder, Sea mail. Never-delivered letters from the 17th and 18th centuries (Atlas 2008)
  • Danielle van den Heuvel, At her husband's uijtlandigheijt. Wives of VOC seamen, signed on for the Enkhuizen chamber (1700-1750) (Aksant 2005)
  • Perry Moree, Froggy sweet. Letters from Aagje Luijtsen, written between 1776 and 1780 to her husband Harmanus Kikkert, first mate in the service of the VOC (Den Burg 2003)

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