Egbert or Ecgberht was King of Wessex from 802 until his death , in 839.
Supposed son of King Ealhmund of Kent, he was forced into exile in the 780s by Kings Offa of Mercia and Beorhtric of Wessex. After taking refuge in the court of Charlemagne, he seizes the throne of Wessex on the death of Beorhtric. The first twenty years of his reign are poorly documented, but he probably succeeded in preserving his independence from Mercia, which was then the most powerful kingdom on the island.
In 825, Egbert won the battle of Ellendune against Beornwulf of Mercia and seized in the wake of Essex, Kent, Sussex and Surrey, regions which had hitherto been in the Mercian orbit. Four years later, in 829, he defeated Wiglaf of Mercia and drove him from his kingdom, taking control of it, before receiving the submission of the King of Northumbria. The triumphs of Egbert, who then dominated all of England, earned him the title of bretwalda in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle.
Egbert, however, failed to establish his hegemony on a lasting basis, and Wiglaf regained power in Mercia less than a year after being ousted from power. Nevertheless, Kent, Sussex and Surrey remain vested in Wessex, and Egbert assigns them to his son Æthelwulf, who reigns there under his authority. On Egbert's death, Æthelwulf succeeded him as ruler of Wessex, but the South Eastern kingdoms were not fully integrated until two decades later.
Family
Manuscript A of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, which is the oldest, begins with a genealogical preface tracing the ancestry of Æthelwulf, the son of Egbert. It thus mentions Egbert, his father Ealhmund, then two otherwise unknown individuals (Eoppa and Eafa) before arriving at Ingild, a brother of King Ina of Wessex (r. 688-726). It then goes back to Cerdic, the semi-legendary founder of the House of Wessex.
Egbert's father is commonly identified with King Ealhmund of Kent, following a marginal note in manuscript F of the Chronicle2. Heather Edwards suggests that Egbert, originally from Kent, was attached a posteriori to the kings of Wessex, for the sake of dynastic legitimacy3. On the other hand, Frank Stenton does not question Egbert's belonging to the royal line of Wessex4, while Rory Naismith considers it improbable that he could be from Kent5.
Egbert's wife is named in only one source, a 15th-century manuscript which calls her "Redburga regis Francorum sororia", i.e. sister or sister-in-law of the Emperor of the Franks . The late date of this source and the fact that this “Redburga” does not appear anywhere else prompts most historians to disregard it.
The Mercian hegemony and exile
During the second half of the 8th century, Offa of Mercia (r. 757-796) was the most powerful ruler of England. His relations with his neighbor Cynewulf of Wessex (r. 757-786) are poorly known. There are two proofs in favor of a possible suzerainty of Offa over Wessex:in 772, Cynewulf "king of the West Saxons" appears as a witness on a charter of Offa, and he is defeated by this same Offa at Bensington in 779. Nevertheless, there is no positive evidence that Cynewulf ever recognized Offa as overlord.
On the side of the kingdom of Kent, Offa seems to have helped Heahberht to take power around 764-7657. After this date, the sources do not allow us to say with certainty that he controlled the region, but the kings of Kent seem to have enjoyed a certain independence from Mercia from 776 at the latest. It is very difficult to date the kings of this period:Egbert II, who appeared in 765, disappeared from the sources after 779, while Ealhmund, the supposed father of Egbert, is only attested for the year 784. He knows no successor, and from about 785 Offa behaves as if Kent were only a province of his kingdom. Egbert presumably took refuge in the court of Wessex at this time1.
Cynewulf was assassinated in 786. Egbert attempted to seize the throne at this time, but a certain Beorhtric, of unknown parentage, became king. Perhaps it was Offa's support that allowed him to prevail. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle reports that Beorhtric and Offa forced Egbert into exile in Francia for three years. Some modern historians suggest that the “iii” that appears in the Chronicle texts could be an error made by the scribes, and that it should really read “xiii”, meaning thirteen years of exile. Insofar as the reading "iii" is common to all known manuscripts of the Chronicle, this hypothesis is not unanimous. Other clues testify to the good relations between Beorhtric and Offa:the first married a daughter of the second named Eadburh in 789, and the coins minted in Wessex during the reign of Beohrtric follow the Mercian model. Beorhtric's reliance on Mercia continued under Coenwulf, who became king a few months after Offa's death in 796.
During Egbert's exile, Francia was ruled by the Emperor Charlemagne, who was involved in overseas affairs:he wielded some influence in Northumbria and supported Offa's opponents in the south. Another exile at the court of Charlemagne is a certain priest Odberht; it is almost certainly Eadbert Præn, who later becomes king of Kent. According to the 12th century chronicler William of Malmesbury, Egbert learned to govern during his years in exile.
Beginning of reign (802-825)
Beorhtric died in 802 and Egbert succeeded him, probably with the support of Charlemagne, and perhaps that of the papacy as well14,15. Considering the rivalry between the two men, the succession is unlikely to have been smooth, although the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle merely reports the deaths of Beorhtric and that of an ealdorman named Worr without further elaboration, while a later tradition accuses Eadburh, Beorhtric's wife, of having poisoned him.
On the very day of Egbert's accession, Wessex was invaded by the ealdorman Æthelmund of the Hwicce, a people of the region of Worcester subservient to Mercia. The men of Wiltshire, led by their ealdorman Wulfstan or Weohstan, went to meet him and defeated him at Kempsford, but the two leaders lost their lives on the battlefield. According to Barbara Yorke, this battle allows Wessex to gain control of Somerset and northern Wiltshire for good.
Nothing is known of Egbert's relations with Mercia during the first two decades of his reign. His influence probably does not extend beyond the borders of his kingdom, but there is no evidence that he ever submitted to Coenwulf. The latter ruled over the rest of the South, but the title "Overlord of Southern England" never appeared in his charters, probably because of the independence of Wessex.
The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle notes that Egbert ravaged the entire territory of the Breton kingdom of Domnonée, in Cornwall, in 815. Ten years later, a charter dated August 19, 825 indicates that Egbert was again on campaign in Domnonée . The Chronicle records a battle between the men of Devon and the Britons of Cornwall in 823 which is no doubt connected in some way with this campaign.
Victory over Mercia and heyday (825-830)
It was also in 825 that one of the most important battles in Anglo-Saxon history occurred:Egbert's victory over Beornwulf of Mercia at the Battle of Ellendune (Ellendune, now Wroughton in Wiltshire). This battle marks the end of Mercian rule over southern England. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle does not specify who the assailant was. Beornwulf could have wanted to take advantage of the campaign led by Egbert in Cornwall in the summer of 825 to crush Wessex, and stifle the inclinations of revolt in the South East resulting from the dynastic links between Wessex and Kent.
After this victory, Egbert sends his son Æthelwulf to Kent at the head of an army. King Baldred is forced to flee north of the Thames, and the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle states that the people of Kent, Essex, Surrey and Sussex submit to Æthelwulf "because they had once been forcibly taken from his family. The chronicler may be referring to Offa's interference in Kentish affairs during the time of Ealhmund, Egbert's father. This would then imply that Ealhmund had connections to the rest of South East England.
The Chronicle suggests that Baldred was driven from his kingdom shortly after the battle, but the truth seems quite different:a document dated 826 speaks of the third year of Beornwulf's reign. It is therefore probable that Beornwulf still possessed some authority over Kent at this date, as overlord of Baldred; the latter must therefore always be in power. King Sigered of Essex is driven out by Egbert, but it is unclear when. It is possible that this happened in 829, as Roger of Wendover associates this event with a campaign led by Egbert against the Mercians that year.
The consequences of Ellendune go beyond the immediate Mercian loss of power in the Southeast. According to the Chronicle, East Anglia asks for Egbert's protection against the Mercians in the same year, or possibly the following year. In 826, Beornwulf invaded East Anglia, probably to reestablish his rule over the kingdom, but he lost his life there. His successor Ludeca was also killed in 827 while trying to subjugate East Anglia. It is possible that the Mercians counted on the support of the Archbishop of Canterbury Wulfred, forced by Egbert to interrupt his coinage when the king began to produce his own coins in Rochester and Canterbury24, this same king who seized properties of the archdiocese25. The affairs of East Anglia end in disaster for the Mercians, which confirms the power of Wessex in the South East.
In 829, Egbert invaded Mercia and forced King Wiglaf into exile. This victory gave Egbert control of the London mints, and he minted coins as King of Mercia. It was after this victory that the scribe of Wessex, in a famous passage from the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, describes him as bretwalda, a term meaning "ruler of Britain" or "ruler [of] vast[s] lands". What exactly this title of bretwalda covers remains a matter of debate:Frank Stenton describes it as "a term of elegiac poetry", but there is evidence that it implies a concrete role as a military leader.
Later in 829, according to the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, Egbert received the submission of the Northumbrians at Dore (now a suburb of Sheffield); the king of Northumbria is then probably Eanred. According to Roger of Wendover, Egbert invaded and plundered Northumbria before Eanred submitted. The Chronicle makes no such mention, but Roger of Wendover had access to Northumbrian records which he used in his writings. However, it is uncertain whether Egbert actually subjugated Northumbria:according to Barbara Yorke, the Dore meeting more likely represents a mutual recognition of sovereignty.
In 830, Egbert successfully led an expedition against the Welsh, most likely to extend the influence of Wessex to the regions hitherto lying within the orbit of Mercia. This event marks the apogee of Egbert's hegemony.
A partial reflux (830-839)
In 830, Wiglaf returned its independence to Mercia. The Chronicle simply says that Wiglaf "recovered the kingdom of Mercia", but a Mercian revolt against Wessex rule is more likely. Egbert's domination over the South of England came to an end with the strong comeback of Wiglaf, which wasted no time in asserting its independence. His charters testify to his authority over Middlesex and Berkshire, and one speaks of "my bishops, duces and magistrates" of a group comprising eleven bishops of the province of Canterbury, including some who sit in Wessex. It is significant that Wiglaf was able to assemble such a group of notables:there is no known equivalent in Wessex. Essex may also return to the Mercian fold in the years following Wiglaf's return to power. In East Anglia a certain king Æthelstan, probably the victorious opponent of Beornwulf and Ludeca, began minting his own coins, perhaps as early as 827, but more likely around 830, after Wiglaf's return and loss of influence of Egbert which follows.
Historians have looked into the causes of Wessex's rapid rise in the 820s and its failure to maintain its dominant position thereafter. It is possible that the good fortune of Wessex depended to some degree on Carolingian support. In 808, the Franks gave their support to Eardwulf so that he could ascend to the throne of Northumbria:they could also have supported Egbert in 802. Shortly before his death, Egbert came into contact with Louis the Pious at Easter 839 in anticipation of a trip to Rome. The affairs of southern England in the first half of the ninth century therefore seem to have involved constant links with the Franks. Carolingian support may have played a role in the victories of the 820s. However, the Rhenish and Frankish trade networks collapsed in the 820s or 830s, and Louis the Pious had to face a series of revolts until his death in 840, presumably resulting in the withdrawal of his support for Egbert. Cut off from all outside influence, the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms would then have reached a sort of balance point.
Despite the short-lived nature of Egbert's hegemony, his victories profoundly changed the political landscape of Anglo-Saxon England. Wessex retains control of the southeastern kingdoms, except possibly Essex, and Mercia is unable to regain control of East Anglia. They also mark the end of the independence of Kent and Sussex:the conquered territories are administered for a time as a sub-kingdom, including Surrey and perhaps Essex. Although Æthelwulf was only a sub-king (subregulus), he had his own court which followed him wherever he went. The Kentish charters describe Egbert and Æthelwulf as "kings of the West Saxons, and of the people of Kent". Nevertheless, on the death of Æthelwulf in 858, one of his sons became king of Wessex while the south-eastern regions returned to another, in accordance with his last wishes:thirty years after Ellendune, the integration n is still not completed. Mercia also remains a threat:Æthelwulf's donations to the Christ Church monastery in Canterbury are probably a means of counterbalancing any Mercian influence that may still exist there.
In the south-west, Egbert was defeated by the Danes in 836 at Carhampton, but he won a victory over them and their Breton allies at Hingston Down, Cornwall, in 83832. The royal line of Domnonée continued after this date, but we can consider that this date marks the end of the independence of the last Breton kingdom41. Anglo-Saxon expansion into Cornwall is poorly documented, but toponyms provide some clues. The River Ottery, which flows east and empties into the Tamar near Launceston, seems to have formed a boundary:south of the Ottery the names are overwhelmingly Cornish, while to the north they are more heavily influenced by newcomers.
Death and succession
In 838, Egbert and Æthelwulf held a council at Kingston upon Thames, Surrey. They grant lands to the episcopal sees of Winchester and Canterbury, which in return undertake to support Æthelwulf after the death of his father. The Archbishop of Canterbury, Ceolnoth, also accepts Egbert and Æthelwulf as lords and protectors of the monasteries under his control. These arrangements, together with a later charter in which Æthelwulf confirms ecclesiastical privileges, suggest that the Church at this time recognized Wessex as a new force to be reckoned with. In return, it is clerics who crown kings and help them write wills that specify the identity of their heirs:their support is therefore important in establishing the authority of Wessex, as well as in facilitating succession. The minutes of the Council of Kingston and another charter of the same year contain the same expression:a condition of the surrender is that "we and our heirs shall always benefit in the future from the firm and unshakable friendship of the 'Archbishop Ceolnoth and his congregation at Christ Church'.
Egbert died in 839. His will, as summarized in that of his grandson Alfred the Great, left land only to the men of his family, so that the royal house would not lose it by wedding. Egbert's wealth, acquired by right of conquest, no doubt greatly aided him in buying the support of the clergymen of the Southeast, and the sense of economy denoted by his will indicates that he understood the importance of personal fortune for a king. Before him, the kingship of Wessex was frequently contested between various branches of the royal house, and it is remarkable that Egbert succeeded in ensuring Æthelwulf's succession without a hitch. The experience acquired by the latter as sub-king of the south-eastern provinces was undoubtedly profitable to him after his accession.
Egbert is buried in Winchester, as are his son Æthelwulf, his grandson Alfred the Great and his great-grandson Edward the Elder. Winchester begins to show signs of urbanization in the 9th century, and it is likely that this suite of burials reflects the importance the town had acquired in the minds of members of the royal line of Wessex.