Foreigners intervene in the civil war, from the beginning of the operations. On July 21, 1936, a Spanish mission will travel to Italy. On July 22, the German consul in Tangier will transmit to his government a request from Franco for ten troop transport planes, piloted by Germans. The nationalist approach responded to a vital necessity. For its part, the Republican government will multiply the calls to its ideological allies:Soviet Russia, France and Great Britain. In both camps, we know that without outside help, there is no possible victory.
If the attitude of Germany and of Italy with regard to the Movimiento is frankly that of allies, determined to contribute to the triumph of this new fascism, it is not the same for that of the great democracies with regard to the Spanish Republic. The nuances vary according to the requested countries. France, since May 1936 - where the legislative elections brought 370 elected members to the Popular Front - has given itself a left-wing government, chaired by Léon Blum, whose task promises to be all the more difficult as the right-wing organizations have not given up and that, on the other hand, it must both carry out the advanced social program contained in its projects and induce the employers to make important concessions. The Spanish Civil War “tore it apart”, in the proper sense of the word. He is wholeheartedly on the Republican side and against Franco's enterprise, which he knows well that if successful it would complete the fascist encirclement of France. But he had to reckon with French public opinion and the political spectrum of the Chamber. Finally, this pacifist is reluctant to facilitate a conflict with supplies of war.
And now he receives from the Republican government an urgent request for various materials:30 bombers, 8 cannons of:75, 8 machine guns, 4 million cartridges and 20,000 bombs. Blum accepts, but asks for reflection. He wrings his hands.
He is crying. Eden disapproves of it. The radicals protest. In short, and thanks to the insistence of members of the cabinet favorable to aid to the 1st Republic, through André Malraux and at the diligence of Pierre Cote Minister of Air, 30 bombers, 15 fighters and 10 transport planes will be delivered to the Spanish government.
At the same time and at the call of the Popular Front, recruitment offices are
opened for French volunteers :airmen, technicians and soldiers of all ranks and all arms. About ten thousand men, a third of whom will perish in battle, such will be the personnel contribution of the 1st French Republic to its unfortunate sister. In Great Britain, if public opinion is, on the whole, especially among intellectual circles, favorable to republican Spain, the British government, for its part, is firmly in favor of non-intervention. And it was in London that, at the initiative of France, a Non-Intervention Committee was created, to which, in addition to France, the U.S.S.R., Germany, Italy and a few secondary countries adhered.
As for the USSR, officially "non-intervening" and hesitant for a long time, at least at the beginning of the conflict, it provided the Spanish Republic with tanks, fighter planes, bombers and technicians. Its contribution in mechanical equipment will be, thereafter, regular and massive. The Soviets engaged in the battle will be relatively few in number—fewer than 2,000—but skilled. Most of the foreign volunteers in the service of Republican Spain will enlist in the international brigades whose numbers - coming from 53 countries - will be less than 50,000 men. The Comintern, Stalin himself and the French Communists will be the creators.
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